Example sentences of "see e.g. [noun] " in BNC.

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1 Empirical work has long cast doubt on this ( see e.g. Brown 1968 ) .
2 Or one might note that most languages have some , and many languages have elaborate , ways of encoding relative social status between participants again , a functional explanation in terms of universal ( or near universal ) principles of social organization seems called for ( see e.g. Brown & Levinson , 1978 ) .
3 There are of course many aspects of language usage that depend on these relations ( see e.g. Brown & Levinson , 1978 , 1979 ) , but these usages are only relevant to the topic of social deixis in so far as they are grammaticalized Obvious examples of such grammaticalizations are " polite " pronouns and titles of address , but there are many other manifestations of social deixis ( see Brown & Levinson , 1978 : 183-92 , 281-5 ; Levinson , 1977 , 1979b ) .
4 However , their sole interest has , in almost every case , been to explain the violent aspects of societies ( see e.g. Bramson and Goethals 1964 ; Bohannan 1967 ; Fried et al. 1967 ; Vayda 1976 ; Ferguson 1984 ; Le Crone Foster et al. 1986 ; Riches 1986 ) .
5 It should be added that there are a number of philosophical problems with Grice 's theory ( see e.g. Schiffer , 1972 ) , but they do not seem to vitiate the value of the central idea .
6 In 1990 the industry , which was both vertically and horizontally integrated , became separated into different units ( for fuller details , see e.g. Vickers and Yarrow , 1991 ) .
7 Recent archaeological finds ( see e.g. Arch .
8 First , one needs to distinguish between actual situations of utterance in all their multiplicity of features , and the selection of just those features that are culturally and linguistically relevant to the production and interpretation of utterances ( see e.g. Van Dijk , 1976 : 29 ) .
9 Such a view enjoys much support , not only among linguists ( see e.g. Van Dijk , 1976 : 29 ; Allwood , Andersson & Dahl , 1977 : 153 ; Lyons , 1977a : 574 ) but also among philosophers ( originally Austin , 1962 and Searle , 1969 ) .
10 A number of significant problems for the distinction between anaphora and discourse deixis have been thrown up by the very considerable body of work on pronominalization ( see Lyons , 1977b ; Lyons , 1977a : 662ff for a review ; and for recent work , see e.g. Heny & Schnelle , 1979 ) .
11 For the conversation analyst 's methodology ( see e.g. Sacks et al.
12 But the considerations which persuaded this House to hold that there was a discretion whether or not to require an undertaking in damages from the Crown in a law enforcement action are equally applicable to cases in which some other public authority is charged with the enforcement of the law : see e.g. Lord Reid , at p. 341g , Lord Morris of Borth-y-Gest , at p. 352c , and Lord Cross of Chelsea , at p. 371b–g .
13 On the same assumption , there is another overwhelming problem for the proposal : for it is not sentences but rather utterances-that make definite statements , and thus can sensibly be assigned truth conditions ( as philosophers have long noted ; see e.g. Strawson , 1950 ; Stalnaker , 1972 ) .
14 According to this theory ( see e.g. Coltheart , 1978 , 1984 ) , there are just two different kinds of unit for reading aloud , the whole word ( the unit used when reading aloud via the lexicon ) and the grapheme ( the unit used when reading aloud non-lexically ) .
15 Even when the lexemes are the same , they may be used very differently in address and reference ( see e.g. Beck , 1972 : 290ff for Tamil usage ) , or only a sub-set of the reference terms may be used in address .
16 For many years there have been worries over the increasing monopolisation of British industry , as evidenced by increased levels of both aggregate and market concentration , and for which there is little doubt that merger activity has , at times , been a major causal factor ( see e.g. HMSO 1978 , Hughes 1989 ) .
17 Internal political conflict is seen as a consequence of independence ( see e.g. Weiner 1965 ) .
18 There are other arguments that have been made along the same general lines , to the effect that to capture regular processes ( e.g. syntactic regularities ) one must refer to pragmatic concepts ( see e.g. Ross , 1975 ) , arguments that will arise from time to time in the Chapters below .
19 It was Peirce who first termed such expressions indexical signs , and argued that they determined a referent by an existential relation between sign and referent ( see Burks , 1949 ) Peirce 's category in fact included rather more than the directly Context-dependent expressions that are now called deictic or indexical , and his particular system of categories has not been put to much effective use in linguistic pragmatics ( but see e.g. Bean , 1978 ) .
20 It is obvious that humans have far bigger brains than even our closest relatives and the fossil record suggests that the rate of evolution has been spectacularly fast , the brain size more than doubling in less than two million years ( see e.g. Foley , Another unique Species ) .
21 Gazdar ( 1979a : 164-8 ) assembles a number of detailed arguments to this effect ( and philosophers have long noted further such arguments — see e.g. Donnellan , 1966 ; Stalnaker , 1972 ; Kaplan , 1978 ; etc . ) .
22 There are also systems ( e.g. in Australian and New Guinea languages ) that distinguish the three dimensions of space , having demonstratives that gloss as " the one above the speaker " , " the one below the speaker " , " the one level with the speaker " as well as distinguishing relative distance from participants ( see e.g. Dixon , 1972 : 262ff re Dyirbal ) .
23 But there is another possible kind of explanation , often more powerful , in which some linguistic feature is motivated by principles outside the scope of linguistic theory : for example , it seems possible that the syntactic processes known as island constraints ( Ross , 1967 ) can be explained on the grounds of general psychological principles ( see e.g. Grosu , 1972 ) .
24 These two notions , which we shall explain shortly , have become increasingly important for current research on social mobility and social stratification , for both neo-Weberian and neo-Marxist sociologists ( see e.g. Murphy , 1986 ) .
25 Taking another paradigmatic kind of sociolinguistic phenomenon , namely the variable phonological realizations associated with social dialects ( see e.g. Labov , 1972a ) , let us ask how our definitions of pragmatics treat such facts .
26 As we saw there , Segal and Irigaray have recently elaborated this view , but its origins are clearly in Freud whose early case-studies , as Mitchell observes , originate the idea that ‘ the homosexual was choosing not another of the same sex , but himself in the guise of another ’ ( Psychoanalysis and Feminism , 34 ; see e.g. Freud , ix .
27 For good sociological reasons , such referent honorifics are found for actors , their social groups , their actions and belongings ( see e.g. Geertz , 1960 and Horne , 1974 : xxi re Javanese ) .
28 See e.g. McKew v Holland Hannen & Cubbitts .
29 When modelling vertical restraints , it becomes important to incorporate these features ( see e.g. Dixit , 1983 ; Mathewson and Winter , 1984 ) .
30 A very similar sort of enterprise has been engaged in by philosophers interested in the notion of speech act ( addressed in Chapter 5 ) : either by examining a special set of verbs called performative verbs , or by more abstract conceptual analysis , they arrive at classifications of the basic purposes for which language can be used ( see e.g. Searle , 1976 ) .
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