Example sentences of "[noun] of [noun] the bald " in BNC.

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1 So-called " ruler-portraits " nearly always turn out to be stereotypes : in the context of Carolingian group-identity , the precise point about images of Charles the Bald was the resemblance to Louis the Pious and Charlemagne , his father and grandfather .
2 Eriugena himself was never part of the Carolingian ecclesiastical establishment and worked directly under the private patronage of Charles the Bald .
3 The West Frankish syndrome is difficult to account for unless we assume a measure of sustained interest on the part of Charles the Bald himself .
4 In eight major hoards found on French sites and containing coins of Charles the Bald , there are no foreign coins .
5 It just so happens that this region includes the heartland of Charles the Bald 's kingdom .
6 In the case of Charles the Bald , though , given the rich documentation , and the giants ' spadework , the surprising thing ( to invert Dr Johnson on women preachers ) is not that it 's been done badly , but that — with two partial exceptions — it has not been done at all .
7 In the reigns of Charles the Bald 's predecessors , the count 's first main function was to look after royal estates ( fisc-lands ) and royal income ( for instance from tolls and fines ) within his county .
8 Dhuoda and Nithard wrote at the very beginning of Charles the Bald 's reign : Nithard believed the young king showed promise , Dhuoda that this generation of Carolingians were predestined by God to rule , and with His help would shine forth in their success .
9 The victory of Charles the Bald ( 823 – 877 ) and his brother Louis over their elder brother the Emperor Lothar resulted in a division of Charlemagne 's inheritance that has proved permanent .
10 Caesar 's Gaul had been bounded by the " natural frontiers " of the North Sea and the Mediterranean , the Pyrenees and the Rhine , and France was its direct descendant — via the " French " kingdom of Charles the Bald .
11 Even if mansi absi , or aprisiones , or hospitia , as a proportion of the total number of holdings in any area , remained small , they were a sign of " dynamism " particularly visible in the heartland of the kingdom of Charles the Bald .
12 Charlemagne and Louis the Pious and their counsellors had strengthened the authority of archbishops , and promoted regular meetings of councils of one province or of several provinces : trends that continued after 840 , and especially in the kingdom of Charles the Bald .
13 In both cases , though some parallel texts survive from Lotharingia , from East Francia and Italy , the bulk of the evidence comes from the kingdom of Charles the Bald .
14 A charter of Charles the Bald in 875 exempted the peasants of St-Philibert , Tournus , in Burgundy from market dues " whether they are trading for the abbey or for themselves " .
15 Montesquieu did not omit the deficiencies of Charles 's father Louis the Pious , nor the contributory factors of French fickleness and Viking destruction : but he put the chief blame on the " weak spirit of Charles the Bald " and , in particular , on the heritability of fiefs which Charles had permitted .
16 In the Gesta this genealogy creates a sharp contrast between the kings and the counts of Anjou , whose origins are said to lie in a ‘ new man ’ , a forester of the reign of Charles the Bald .
17 Neither aprisiones nor hospitia are documented before the Carolingian period , and they occur more often in the reign of Charles the Bald than previously .
18 Such growth is documented before the reign of Charles the Bald : the polyptych of St-Victor Marseilles dates from the later years of Charlemagne 's reign , that of St-Germain ( probably ) from the earlier part of Louis the Pious 's .
19 During the reign of Charles the Bald , however , such developments not only continued but showed cumulative effects .
20 But by the reign of Charles the Bald , while the court remained a large consumer , demand had spread more widely among the elite , and cash transactions multiplied in the countryside .
21 For the most part , the political history of Charles the Bald 's reign which is this book 's prime focus was the concern of an aristocratic elite .
22 The recent treatment of Charles the Bald alone , or in a " French " context , by several British historians has tended to obscure this broader geographic dimension of Carolingian familial politics .
23 Counts needing the wherewithal to attract service were likely to cast greedy eyes on royal benefices within their counties : but in the West Frankish kingdom , the earliest evidence of such " mediatisation " of vassi dominici comes only after the death of Charles the Bald .
24 Hence some recent advocates of Charles the Bald 's partial " rehabilitation " have damned with faint praise : the art-historians ' artful exponent of royal style remains , for the historians of politics , a ruler without substantial authority .
25 What influenced Hincmar most ( though his description idealised it a little ) was the regime of Charles the Bald , especially its latter years .
26 Such was the fate of Charles of Aquitaine , second son of Charles the Bald : horribly wounded , he lingered on , to die two years later .
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